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Entries in Russian economy (2)

Tuesday
Jul072009

Putin's Russia

While President Medvedev sat yesterday with President Obama and discussed great matters of nuclear disarmament and foreign policy, Prime Minister Putin was, as constitutionally appropriate, much more concerned with domestic management issues.

The notion that the two men are rivals is exaggerated – the redirection of Putin to domestic affairs is not merely a matter of constitutional propriety, it is one of state security. For Russia to be great, its base must be secured.

Russia’s vulnerability lies in its economic difficulties and no longer in foreign dabbling in its civil society. The long term prognosis for Russia is good if only because of its massive natural resource holdings but the short term sees issues emerging that could have serious affects on its internal stability. 

A weak economy and internal instability affect Russia's ability to maintain control over its sphere of influence and invites external dabbling as the US recovers something of its former status.

There are three aspects to Putin’s determination to hold Russia together. The first is to show energy in tackling problems. The second is to start doling out state aid for the old industrial sector (machine tool and automotive).

These measures alone are clearly directed at holding the southern industrial working classes’ loyalty as growth collapses (to -8.5% in 2009) and as the Government is forced to throw cash at the banking system in order to preserve the capitalism that Russia has adopted since the fall of the Soviet Union.

The third is to recreate some Soviet-era sense of collective social and moral responsibility in campaigns against social disorder (gambling, excessive drinking, even dog mess in the streets). A ban on gambling forced the closure of casinos and gaming halls on July 1st.

Such measures may drive 'vice' underground and further into the hands of organised crime. In fact, the Russian Government is not averse to 'vice. It plans four Las Vegas-style entertainment parks in remote areas of Russia. The formerly legitimate gambling businesses are decamping to Belarus and Georgia.

As elsewhere in the global economy, there is considerable uncertainty as to the future. The impending disaster this winter is not in question. What is in question is the long term prognosis for Russia.

Analyses range from the gloomy ‘Japanese scenario’ (a culture of drudgery in conditions of low or no economic growth) to a major natural resources-led dynamic recovery within two to three years and the bouncy view of some radical liberals that creative destruction will merely strengthen Russian capitalism.

The scale of Russia’s natural wealth does not suggest worse than these scenarios economically but social and political effects are an issue so soon after the collapse of the Soviet ideal.

There are not unreasonable post-credit crunch questions being asked about the value of capitalism to the Russian people and State (often more aligned than in Western liberal societies) but the return of communism is not on the agenda.

The Government’s general drive is towards liberalism within a secure framework (effectively authoritarian market capitalism) but there is an ersatz-communist alternative in the militarised national socialist authoritarianism of the Eurasianists.

A combination of popular discontent in an aging industrial and military infrastructure and desperation on the part of the authorities could drive Russia in this direction under severe pressure. It is this pressure that Putin is seeking to pre-empt.

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Friday
Jun262009

Russian Adjustments

We should note the continued strains within the Russian economy. The Russians are now moving towards a major bank bailout. The World Bank expects the Russian economy to shrink by 7.9% this year and that its unemployment rate will rise to 13% by the end of the year.

Others predict a marginally less dramatic fall of 6.3% in the economy in 2009 but this decline is still significant. Investors will be recalling the $40bn debt default in 1998.

The real social damage will take place in the single factory towns where the impact of unemployment will be much worsened by wage arrears. Industrial production fell a record 17.1% in May and capital investment fell 23.1%.

Whichever way the numbers add up, this is the worst annual contraction for Russia in fifteen years and much of it relates toa collapse in demand for its commodity exports. Russia is still the world’s largest energy exporter so, on fundamentals, it should recover well on global recovery.

The coming Russian bank bailout is likely to be massive, targeting only banks with £1bn minimum assets, much larger than the equivalent US rescue. It will place the Government in pole position to administer the banking system in a partial re-socialisation of the economy.

Current plans seem to suggest that the Government will take board seats and gain veto rights although it has to be said that the relative immaturity of Russian banking suggests that this is a pragmatic move rather than some neo-communist coup.

Russian Military Reform

Quite separately, the Russians are undertaking (much like the US and other smaller powers) significant military reforms that will fundamentally transform Russian military power.

The Russians are also sending strong signals that they are prepared to make substantial cuts in nuclear stockpiles if the US meets its concerns over the missile defense system. The NATO-Russia Council will meet in Corfu on June 27th.

In essence, Russia is unwinding its longstanding model where massive intercontinental nuclear weaponry deterred extra-continental rivals while equally massive numbers of boots on the ground both challenged any prospect of land invasion and offered its own deterrent threat to the West.

The probable outcome of the latest round of reforms (the first of this scale since the Crimean War) is a force of around 1m men with a proportionately smaller but better trained officer corps and the ending of conscription as fundamentally inefficient.

Russia has an armed complement of some 1.4m (down from 3.4m at the end of the Soviet era) but its new wars are largely about border settlement and against disorder within its sphere of influence.

The calculation must be that Russia only needs sufficient deterrence to stop other powers from interfering in its attempts to consolidate its Eurasian core or from making opportunistic incursions on to its territory.

Continued Global Energy Influence

In any case, a global stranglehold over energy provision should keep Europe wary of undertaking any ‘adventurism’. Typical of Russia’s drive towards global energy influence is the announcement yesterday of Gazprom’s $2.5bn deal with Nigeria to explore and develop its gas reserves.

Traditionally, West Africa is European territory, certainly part of the Atlantic system, yet both the Russians (energy) and Chinese (oil) appear to be moving into the region in force.

Given Russian influence in Libya and noting Atlantic irritation with Berlusconi’s pally act with Putin, the African gas lines up through to Southern Europe are definitely drifting into Russian hands. The question is really who will bring the cash to the table.

Every time the Russians appear on the scene, their implied large-scale funding (regardless of the actual state of their economy) raises the price for the Western powers who can ill-afford, at this time, to direct scarce capital into full control of such apparent necessities as the Nabucco and trans-Saharan pipelines.

The Russians are simply staking their claim to influence but it should not be assumed that supply as such is threatened, only the terms of that supply.

On the ‘Chinese’ front, state-owned Sinopec agreed this week, in principle, a £4.4bn takeover of the Swiss-based oil company Addax (listed in London and Toronto) which has significant interests in Africa and in Iraqi Kurdistan.

This would be China’s largest outbound investment in the oil and gas sector. There continues to be much speculation about the value of concessions in Kurdistan but the holdings in Nigeria, Gabon and Cameroon are significant.

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