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Entries in poverty (2)

Thursday
Mar112010

On Grimoires - And The Power of Magic

The history of magic has attained a new respectability. University departments now exist dedicated to the study of the history of the esoteric at Exeter and in the Netherlands. Oxford University Press, amongst others, now regularly publish works on the subject.

A recent book on 'grimoires' by Owen Davies, Professor of Social History at the University of Hertfordshire, is typical of this output. In essence, grimoires are books of magical spells and incantations. They may seem irrelevant to our time and place but this is not necessarily so.

Grimoires & Human Greed

At one level, the history of grimoires is the history of human cupidity. Such books for the bulk of human history have served little purpose other than personal aggrandisement in an age of poverty and lack of welfare provision. At such times, men and women have also had every reason to clutch at straws.

One common theme, from earliest times until quite recently. has been the use of such texts to discover treasure by calling up demons and dark spirits and then binding and interrogating them to reveal its whereabouts.

The Elizabethan magus John Dee's famous graveyard excursion to ask a dead spirit for treasure was not novel. He was in a very long line of 'magical practitioners' who wanted a fast track to wealth - or to sexual pleasure or even just good health and a bit of happiness in a grim world.

The spiritual content of these early modern books is thus minimal despite the attempts of later generations to read back their own spiritual searchings into an often grubby grab for power and money by what probably amounted (no doubt with exceptions) to a succession of charlatans.

Fraudsters, small time criminals and half-educated cunning folk determined on magic in order to prey for profit on the unhappiness of the masses - perhaps an over-simplification but it will serve as a corrective to romantic notions of past sorcery.

The only person in our era to have got this magical past right may have been that inveterate rascal Anton LaVey whose Church of Satan used the tropes of popular 'high' magic to sell a hedonistic mix of Californian-style individualism and cynicism.

This was the same carnival gulling of country folk, in the tradition of medieval hucksterdom, that underpinned the eighteenth century French bibliotheque bleue.

On The Other Hand ...

This is not to say that some of the original sources of the grimoires of Early Modern Europe were not of considerable spiritual importance or that grimoires did not prove vital to the creation of modern alternative spiritualities in providing ready-mades for spiritual interpretation.

The Hebrew cabbalistic tradition and pagan hermeticism as well as alchemy and possibly the tarot - alongside attempts to come to terms with the demonic lore of the religions of the book - were all sincere paths for the exploration of consciousness and alternative realities.

Later, the equally sincere researches of Eliphas Levy, the creation of the Order of the Golden Dawn, the experimentation of Crowley and the 'invention' by Gerald Gardner of Wicca all made use of the conceits of the grimoire in order to explore consciousness and 'spirituality' in new and imaginative ways.

Even between these time poles of sincerity, there are islands of genuine investigation into 'other forces' - Kelley may have been a fraud but Dee really does seem to have believed that he could talk with the angels.

Many others took demons to be really existing creatures who could be bound safely for service without threat of eternal damnation.

Repression & Social Order

The fears of the Church and the authorities were partly of the heretical and partly of new thinking but, on closer investigation, they were also related to the potential for grimoires to be used to separate peasants from their money and to promote unacceptable distance between community and church.

Immense efforts have thus gone into rooting out popular grimoires (including terminal force against sorcerers themselves) over the centuries.

The first relevant book burnings were of pagan writings by the newly assertive and somewhat totalitarian Christian communities of the late Roman Empire (although the Roman authorities were quite happy to burn books that defied state control of religion long before Constantine).

It is little known that book burnings continued in Germany long after the Nazis lost power. Instead of Jewish and liberal books, religious campaigners were burning books of magic.

Indeed, though they disapproved of magic (despite the fantasies of Western propagandists), the Nazis seem far less extreme in this matter than some fanatical Christian Democrats and Protestants.

Americans seem, sensibly, to have seen grimoire production as a branch of fraud, precursors to much modern 'new age' nonsense, rather than as some threat of a more fundamental kind.

What Grimoires Mean

It might be argued that the steady detachment of these texts from educated high society between the collapse of paganism and the destruction of the tolerant society of Muslim Spain, and their later survival out of that context, also detached them from their spiritual meaning and full folk purpose.

It degraded these texts into non-communal individualistic tools of power - personal weapons in life's struggle for ones own interest and against that of others.

Grimoires travelled from Europe into the New World and other Western colonies and back and forward across Europe, their influence linked to such practical factors as the availability of the printing press and the willingness and determination of the authorities to suppress them.

Levels of literacy were key in both permitting grimoires to flourish (they require someone to read them) and defining their acceptability and use.

Once a population got a taste for such books, these texts embedded themselves deep into some communities of migrants and former slaves - most often when literacy was combined with a low level of education and where entrepreneurs were able to provide sufficient cheap copies of 'classic works'.

Magical sub-cultures emerged that were both proponents of sometimes unutterable nonsense and the basis of a culture of resistance to a non-inclusive high culture that had nothing to say to the poor and uneducated.

Becoming Evil

This, one suspects, was very different from the highly cultured world of Toledo in the High Middle Ages where Jewish, Muslim and Christian traditions and thought mingled to create the radical thinking of which the early modern grimoires were but a pale reflection.

The later folk memory of Toledo as centre of dark sorcery came to reflect this cultural debasement of a high intellectual tradition. In successive totalitarian Christian reformations, magic became debased into a presumption of evil when all it really was was a challenge to the Church's intellectual authority.

Manuscripts got mangled, attributed inappropriately, given antiquities that do not stand up to scrutiny. Whether manuscripts or printed books, these texts became systematically degraded from their origins in a tolerant High Mediterranean Culture.

Perhaps some of the more genuine intellectual magicians were still being hunted to extinction as late as the early seventeenth century in Catholic Europe but the printed versions of their texts in the eighteenth century were little more than gobbledy-gook for cunning folk.

There are some wonderful tales of gullible treasure-seeking yokels being thoroughly done over by trickster 'sorcerers' in the chapter on the pre-revolutionary era in France and Switzerland in Davies' book.

Modern Transgressions

Davies' valuable book ends with a review of three 'fake' modern grimoires that have spawned their own intense followings -

  • Lovecraft's wholly fictional Necronomicon (as used in Chaos Magick),
  • Gardner's Book of Shadows (which is central to Wicca) and
  • Lavey's cobbled together Satanic Bible (which is central to Satanism but which, of course, has nothing to do with Satan at all).

All three made use of grimoire lore. Before we get hyper-critical about their provenance, we might ask just how rational the claims of divine authorship of the books of the Bible or the Koran are if we really, really think about this instead of just automatically accepting claims on faith.

From this perspective, the leap of faith made by Chaos Magicians (who are just playing with belief quite knowingly) and Wiccans (who, in fact, are honest that each text is personal and to be recast by every practitioner in the light of their own needs) seems less absurd than that of their rivals.

Even the Satanists have no illusions that LaVey wrote their text. They know full well that Satan does not exist. The point is not to denigrate the religions of the book but to say that 'texts' meet needs and that faith is, truly, beyond reason and that it may be time that secular rationalists learnt to live with this.

Perhaps this may be one clue to the determination of the authorities to suppress the grimoire - in its cack-handed way, the grimoire says that no intermediation is required between the punter and his book. It is a text without an institutional structure to support it.

Grimoires as Rebellion

Any person with the power to interpret a grimoire (or, indeed, the Bible) can decide their own destiny in terms of sex, power and spirit. This is a standing challenge to all established priests, experts and intellectuals. It was the basis of the revolt of the radical wing of the Protestant Reformation.

At its worst, the grimoire is not merely obscurantist but dangerous, but not because it can conjure devils or perhaps give cause in extreme cases to murderous fantasy (of which there are cases) and has a proven history of fraud.

It is dangerous because, in truly ignorant hands, it can block the use of 'good' expert knowledge to deal with 'real' problems of sexuality, power relations, conditions of life, healthcare and spirituality. It is probably why socialists and progressives loathe it as much as any cardinal.

But, at its best, its use represents a revolutionary act under conditions where there is no power for the people, where sexual repression is normal, where conditions are poor and life is short and where religion represents social order rather than personal meaning. It says that ...

We the people will choose our own experts and our own ways of intermediation with life and matter. We will use magic because you have given us nothing or what you have given us is conditional on our acceptance of your standards and your 'morality' without you asking us what we want.

Irrationalism thus represents psychic resistance to the arrogance of the powerful. Magic as resistance will never go away except where it can be decisively crushed under the authoritarian boot of State and Church.

Communism could crush religion - or could it? It has returned in Russia, weakened admittedly, despite years of aggressive Soviet repression.

Magic In The 21st Century

Maybe aggressive repression will be the eventual solution of many liberal intellectuals. Certainly many liberal intellectuals in the West have taken a cynical neo-conservative turn on religion in despair at the masses' inability to be 'rational' but their path seems a price too high in terms of liberty for the majority.

An alternative may be to permit or even encourage a degree of healthy irrationalism within a culture that is based on open communication and general welfare provision, one where grimoires (as symptom) have no cause to be used for fraud or criminality because their function in society has changed.

Under new conditions, they may be used, as they increasingly are being used in the modern West, for fun and for spiritual growth rather than for the assertion of power by the powerless over their material circumstances and the even less powerful.

Davies makes a very profound point - most of us in the West no longer need magic in our lives. Economic development, mass education and technology provide our magic because magic is nothing more nor less than a means of empowerment.

If we see magic re-emerging today (albeit mostly in the spiritual and social sphere), it is because we (or many of us) need it again. The new religions are actively transforming persons and cultures where old systems have failed.

This is a process is likely to accelerate under the influence of the internet. As Davies suggests, magic and grimoires are unlikely to disappear from our culture very soon.

Grimoires: A History Of Magic Books by Owen Davies was published by Oxford University Press in 2009. The interpretation in this posting is wholly that of TPPR and anyone interested in the subject or in Owen Davies' own views should buy the book which was last priced as a hardback at £14.99.

Tuesday
Jul212009

Lawyers, Parliament & Social Mobility

Now here's something interesting ... Madano Partnership, a competitor of sorts, has had the gumption to produce a report on the backgrounds of the 242 Prospective Parliamentary Candidates (PPCs) most likely to be in Parliament by the Autumn of next year.

You have to pay to get the full report and we are not THAT interested, but the figures revealed to The Lawyer this week are suggestive. The most intriguing finding is not that 10% of PPCs are lawyers.

In fact, compared to the US legislature, British politics is fairly light on lawyers and becoming more so. In 1983, there were 104 lawyers in Parliament. Now there are only 64 in practice, although this does not count those with a legal qualification of some sort who have moved on or are in academia.

Madano's assumption of a 7% swing to the Tories and a majority of one for Cameron would add just 25 qualified lawyers. With departures from the House, the probability seems to be of no massive increase in legal representation.

What is more interesting is the difference between the parties in this respect. Once upon a time the law was a means for a liberal-minded Oxford man to find a place in the ranks of the Labour Movement to serve first the party, then the country and then himself (or vice versa).

Of the 22 PPCs named as qualified lawyers by The Lawyer (three are unaccountably not included), 17 are Tories, four are Labour and one is a Scottish Nationalist (Annabelle Ewing, whose mother being SNP Grandee Winnie should really be in a 'professional political family' category).

The fact that, forgetting Ms. Ewing, only five of 21 are female can be passed over. I think none of us are naive nowadays about the disproportionate male bias in either British politics or professional life.

What is more interesting is that of the four PPCs with clearly non-European origin names, no less than three are associated with Labour (75% of the Labour legal cohort) and two of these are women (50% of the Labour cohort).

So, there we have it. The law as path to politics is still broadly viable for bright rising ethnic origin stars within the labour movement but has otherwise returned to being its traditional vehicle for conservatives to carve their path as spokespeople and social managers for property.

Disraeli, the original hired hand of the landed aristocracy, was (initially) trained as a solicitor. He was the last Tory Prime Minister of this type, succeeded by aristocrats, businessmen, adventurers, soldiers and, in the second half of the twentieth century, petit-bourgeois professional politicians.

Only Margaret Thatcher had a legal training and even this she wore lightly alongside her background in science. Contrast this with Labour - Attlee practised law (though little more than Disraeli) but, until Tony Blair, the emphasis was on radical activism, academia and public service.

So law in British politics is a pathway but it is rarely the pathway. Only Tony Blair might be considered someone whose political life was founded on the profession and this might in itself explain much of his distanced attitude to traditional politics where cold reason is tempered with the experience of struggle.

The admittedly slim findings on this next intake suggests that the law has become a pathway only for the more prosperous elements in the English middle classes now disconnected from public service as Labour used to understand the term - and for 'out' ethnic rising middle class elements on the other side.

This snapshot is interesting because of another major story that has appeared today - the somewhat belated recognition after well over a decade of Labour government that it has wholly failed in one of its historic missions, the promotion of social mobility from below.

The headline story is that some sort of glass ceiling is blocking the ordinary and middling sort who do not go to private schools and do not have wealthy parents from the top jobs in the professions, especially medicine and law.

New Labour is now in a bit of a panic. Its original electoral position was based on rhetoric about the many being served, instead of the few. This bland democratic populism conveniently displaced a more aggressive egalitarianism, angering old Labour Right figures like Roy Hattersley at the time.

That Government had actually presided over a Government of the few by the few for the few became more obvious when it became clear that child inequality (admittedly partly a function of an open migration policy) was scarcely being dented, indeed it was, according to some figures, increasing.

The numbers are confused and confusing. The OECD took a different and more positive view but no-one disputes that the UK is an unequal country by modern European standards, that New Labour depended on economic growth to make inequality irrelevant and that economic crisis now threatens this model.

To be fair, New Labour's model - of not interfering with the middle classes and taking the surplus of economic growth and reinvesting it - has resulted in important initatives to deal with the poorest in society but always tentatively, never dealing with basics - and blind to one key development.

This was that, by giving the upper middle classes a free hand to do what they would with their cash so long as they created a bigger tax base, the Government missed what was really happening 'out there' because it did not happen over night.

The unravelling of social democracy was great news for the top 10% who paid for it disproportionately but it was also whittling away at the economic and social base of the middling sort which, in modern Britain, includes the vast mass of the population and certainly the upper end of the working class.

The Labour Movement is now in a bit of a panic. Its model looks decidedly dodgy, it has done little to deal with the underlying causes of poverty and disadvantage, the upper middle classes have cemented their hold over society and it may lose power within a year.

Whatever the lawyer sample in the Madano Report may say about politics in general, it suggests that Labour politics has become a vehicle for social mobility only for a minority and largely only for minorities within the minority.

If you are upper middle class or bright and of ethnic origin, becoming a lawyer as a means to a political career makes sense. But if entry to the professions is glass ceilinged unless you are assisted as a minority or as a middle class woman, where is the mobility for the rest of the bright but middling class.

This is the question Alan Milburn is addressing somewhat late in the day - with his Party's electoral back to the wall, faced by another Party run by Old Etonians.

With its side of the street beginning to look at fascisms, nationalism and at its liberal democrat rival as better able to defend its interests, New Labour's low poll ratings need more than rhetoric to turn its fortunes around.

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